1. They remain polysyllabic because reduction had already lost its force by the time they were borrowed.( these words preserved the affixes)
2. They have several accented syllables with different force of stress.
Cf.: 'flexible — flexibility cons'pire — conspiracy cons'pirator — conspira'torial
3. They characteristically belong to different parts of speech
Cf.: different (adj.); difference (noun); differ (verb); differentiate (verb); recognize (verb); recognition (noun); recognizable (adj.).
4. Sets of related words were borrowed almost simultaneously.
in / im / il / ir are different variants of one and the same Latin prefix. The form of this prefix varies according to the rules of Latin grammar. Cf: irregular, immortal, inarticulate, illegal.
5. They form very few new compoundings, as a rule, they have been borrowed as ready-made compoundings. These compoundings have linking vowels to join the bound root-morphemes: psychotherapy, sociology, elec-trotechnology, telephone, television, monosyllabic.
6. Polysyllabic words can acquire analytical properties through shortening:
ad — advertisement; mime— pantomime; lab — laboratory; memo, hi-fi, porno, comfy, etc.
7. They are not capable of entering analytical models as readily as analyticised words do
8. They are not used as form words; they do not develop broad meanings though can be polysemantic.
9. They are semantically and syntactically specified. That is why they are common as terms and belong to formal registers. They are often out of place in everyday informal speech. Postpone; capitulate; participate; deprive; protrude; distinguish; decelerate, etc.
28 Main historical sources of the Modern English spelling.
Historical Foundations of Modern English Spelling
The alphabetic way of writing (unlike hieroglyphic, picto- graphic and syllabic writing) was originally based on a phonetic principle: it was designed to give an accurate graphic representation of pronunciation by using letters to indicate'sounds. Mod E spelling displays many deviations from this principle. The differences between the pronunciation and the spelling of words are obvious,
ME spelling innovations incorporated many sound changes which had taken place since the 9th—10th c., and yet spelling had generally become more ambiguous and conventional. In many instances the one-to-one correspondence of letter and sound had been lost. More letters than before had two sound values: o stood for [ ] , [u], long [ : ] and [o:] ; с — for [s] and [k]; g — for [g] and [d ], etc.; и could even indicate three sounds — the vowels [u] and [y] and the consonant [v]. One and the same sound was commonly shown by different means: [d ]could be indicated by g, j or dg, [k ] — by k, t and q, etc.
Both ou and ow were used fr [u: ] and [ou ]; double о stood for the open and close long [ : ] and [o:] alongside o: long [e:] were shown indiscriminately by ie, double e and the single letter e.
The conventional principle of spelling was later reinforced by the fixation of the written form of the word in printing and by extensive sound changes.
The phoneticians and spelling reformers of the 16th c. strove to restrict the freedom of variation and to improve English orthography by a more consistent use of letters and digraphs, and by the introduction of new symbols.
Linguists insisted upon a strict distinction between и and v when used to indicate a vowel and a consonant: [u] and [v], e.g. Early NE loue, selues, vnripe, unshaken later spelt as love, selves, unripe, unshaken; upon the regular use of the final mute e to show the length of the vowel in the preceding syllable, e.g., rode, rose, and even beene, moone (though in the two latter words length was shown by double letters). They introduced new digraphs to show the difference between some open and close vowels, namely the digraph ea for [перевернутая 3:] as distinguished from e, ее, and ie used for the closed [e:], and the digraph oa alongside 0 in open syllables for[ : ] , as contrasted to 00 showing a long closed [0:]. Cf. ME eech, seke with [перевернутая 3:] and [e: ] and Early NE each, seek-, ME hooly, boot [ : , o] and Early NE holy, boat, boot. The use of double consonants became less frequent, except in traditional spellings like kiss, sell, but double letters were sometimes employed to show that the preceding vowel was short: Early NE sitten, shott, dipped (later sit, shot, dipped).
Apart from the standardisation spelling ,only a few innovations were made: a few new digraphs were adopts with borrowed words, such as ph, ps — NE photograph, psychology ch — NE chemistry, scheme and machine, g — genre.
In the 18th c. the sound changes slowed down. Standard pronunciation (later known as RP — Received Pronunciation) and standard spelling were firmly established, and the gap between the spoken and written form of the word was perpetuated.
Mod E spelling shows the pronunciation oi words in the late 14th and in the 15th c., that is before the Early NE sound changes. That is why modern spelling is largely conventional and conservative, but seldom phonetic.
Those are the main historical reasons for the gap between Mod E spelling and pronunciation
29.Middle English and Early New English vowel system.
In Early ME the pronunciation of unstressed syllables became increasingly indistinct. As compared to OE, which distinguishes five short vowels in unstressed position [e/i], [a] and [o/u], Late ME had only two vowels in unaccented syllables: [ə] and [i], e.g. ME tale [΄ta:lə] – NE tale, ME body [΄bodi] – NE body. The final [ə] disappeared in Late ME though it continued to be spelt as -e. When the ending –e survived only in spelling, e.g. ME stone, rode [´stone], [´rode] – NE stone, rode.
The shifting of word stress in ME and NE, vocalization of [r] in such endings as writer, actor, where [er] and [or] became [ə].
Quantitative vowel changes in Early ME
In Early ME vowel length began to depend on phonetic conditions. The earliest of positional quantitative changes was the readjustment of quantity before some consonant clusters:
1) Short vowels were lengthened before two consonants – a sonorant and a plosive; consequently, all vowels occurring in this position remained or became long, e.g. ME wild [wi:ld] – NE wild.
2) All other groups of two or more consonants produced the reverse effect: they made the preceding long vowels short, and all vowels in this position became or remained short, e.g. ME kepte [΄keptə] – NE kept.
3) Short vowels became long in open syllables, e.g. ME name [na:mə] – NE name.
Qualitative vowel changes.
Development of monophthongs
[y] and [y:] disappeared in Early ME, merging with various sounds in different dialectal areas.
In Early ME the dialectal differences grew.
In Early ME the long OE [a:] was narrowed to [o:]. This was and early instance of the growing tendency of all long monophthongs to become closer, so [a:] became [o:] in all the dialects except the Northern group, e.g. OE stān – ME (Northern) stan(e), (other dialects) stoon, stone – NE stone. The short OE [æ] was replaced in ME by the back vowel [a], e.g. OE þǽt > ME that [Өat] > NE that.
Development of diphthongs
In Early ME the diphthongs were contracted to monophthongs: the long [ea:] coalesced (united) with the reflex of OE [ǽ:] – ME [ε:]; the short [ea] ceased to be distinguished from OE [æ] and became [a] in ME; the diphthongs [eo:], [eo] – as well as their dialectal variants [io:], [io] – fell together with the monophthongs [e:], [e], [i:], [i]. As a result of these changes the vowel system lost two sets of diphthongs, long and short.
In Early ME the sounds [j] and [γ] between and after vowels changed into [i] and [u] and formed diphthongs together with the preceding vowels, e.g. ME day [dai].
These changes gave rise to two sets of diphthongs: with i-glides and u-glides.
The same types of diphthongs appeared also from other sources: the glide -u developed from OE [w] as in OE snāw, which became ME snow [snou], and before [x] and [l] as in Late ME smaul and taughte.
30. Middle English and Early New English consonant system.
The most important developments in the history of English consonants were the growth of new sets of sounds, affricates and sibilants, and the new phonological treatment of fricatives. Both changes added a number of consonant phonemes to the system. some consonants were lost or vocalised, which affected both the consonant and the vowel system.
Growth of sibilants and affricates.
In OE there were no affricates and no sibilants, except [s, z]. The earliest distinct sets of these sounds appeared towards the end of OE or during the Early ME period. The new type of consonants developed from OE palatal plosives [k’, g'] (which had split from the corresponding velar plosives [k] and [g] in Early OE, and also from the consonant cluster [sk']. The three new phonemes which arose from these sources were [tʃ], [dʒ] and [ʃ]. The opposition of velar consonants to palatal - [k, k'; y, j]—had disappeared; instead, plosive consonants were contrasted to the new affricates and in the set of affricates [tʃ] was opposed to [dʒ] through sonority.
Treatment of fricative consonants
Phonologisation of voiced and voiceless fricatives was a slow process which lasted several hundred years. The first pair of consonants to become phonemes were [f] and [v]. In Late ME texts they occurred in identical phonetic environment and could be used for differentiation between words, which means that they had turned into phonemes. The two other pairs, [θ, ð] and [s, z], so far functioned as allophones. A new, decisive alteration took place in the 16th c. The fricatives were once again subjected to voicing under certain phonetic conditions. Henceforth they were pronounced as voiced if they were preceded by an unstressed vowel and followed by a stressed one. the endings took no accent but could be followed by other words beginning with an accented syllable. This supposition is confirmed by the voicing of consonants in many form-words: articles, pronouns, auxiliaries, prepositions; they receive no stress in speech but may be surrounded by notional words which are logically accented.
Loss of Consonants in certain positions and clusters.
In ME the length of the syllable was regulated by the lengthening and shortening of vowels; therefore the quantitative differences of the con-sonants became irrelevant.
The consonants [j ] and [ r ] were vocalised under certain phonetic conditions — finally and before consonants — during the ME and Early NE periods, though they continued to be used in other environments. Some consonants were lost in consonant clusters, which became simpler and easier to pronounce, e.g. the initial [x] survived in ME as an aspirate [h], when followed by a vowel, but was lost when followed by a sonorant. In Early NE the aspirate [h] was lost initially before vowels — though not in all the words.
Voicing and voiceless fricatives.
About the same time voiceless consonants were voiced in several types of words. One of the conditions for the change seems to have been the unstressed position of the preceding vowel. Voicing mainly affects the consonant [s] and the cluster [ks], which become [z] and [gz]. In a few words it also affects the consonants [f] and [tʃ], which accordingly become [v] and [dʒ].
1. [s > z]. The most well-known examples of this voicing are some words of French origin: dessert, resemble, possess, observe, dissolve.
2. [ks > gz]. The following pairs of words are illustrative of the change (in the second of each pair the vowel preceding the cluster has either primary or secondary stress: exhibit - exhibition; exhort - exhortation; executor – execute.
3. The relation between [f] and [v] can only be illustrated by one example: of and off.
4. The change [tʃ > dʒ] occurred in ME knowleche > MnE knowledge.
The exact conditions of the change have yet to be studied.
Development of [x]
We must distinguish two variants of the development of [x]: 1 - before t and 2 in final position.
[x] before t is lost, and the preceding short vowel is lengthened. For example: light [lixt > li:t], night [nixt > ni:t].
Long [i:] arising from this change took part in the vowel shift: [li:t > lait]. Spelling did not reflect this change, and these words are spelt with gh up to the present time. After the digraph gh had become silent, it was introduced into the word delight, on the analogy of the word light. In forms like brought, fought the [ou] developed into [o:]. In Northern dialects the [x] before t has been preserved to our days.
[x] final mostly changes into [f], as in rough, enough, laugh, tough, slough, trough. In a few words final [x] was lost, as in though, through.
On the other hand, the word laughter is pronounced with [f], which is probably due to influence of the word laugh.
Loss of  before [k, m, f, v]
[l] was lost before [k] and the labial consonants [m, f, v]. Thus the words talk, walk, folk, palm, calm, half came to be pronounced [to:k, wo:k, fouk, pa:m, ka:m, ha:f,]. However  before [v]was preserved in words of Latin origin, as in dissolve, resolve.  was also lost before [d] in should and would, which were usually unstressed. At the time when  was in the process of dropping and a word could be pronounced both with  and without it, an  appeared in words which had not had it in ME. This often happened in words of French origin; introduction of  might be supported by influence of the Latin prototype of the word and by imitation of French latinizing spelling of the 14th and 15th centuries.
Appearance and loss of [w].
In a few words with an initial labialized vowel there appeared an [w]. The most well-known example is the word one. The later development is not quite clear. Already in the 16th century the word was occasionally spelt wone, which points to appearance of initial [w]. The development seems to have been this: [o:n > wo:n > wu:n > wun > w^n]. Even in the late 17th century the pronunciation [w^n] was considered vulgar; in the 18th it was accepted by the literary language. A similar development took place in the adverb once [wAns < ME ones. [w] was lost in an unstressed syllable after a consonant in the words answer, Southwark, Greenwich, Norwich and so on.
In the word whole [houl] the letter w was introduced in spelling on the analogy of who, whom, whose.
Merger of [j] with preceding consonant.
The last essential phonetic change in the sphere of consonants was merger of [j] with the preceding consonant. This happened after a stressed vowel. The change affected the clusters [sj, zj, tj, dj], and a few others.
The change [sj > ʃ] occurred, for example Asia, Russia. In many words the spelling is -ti-. This spelling, borrowed from French, denoted in French the cluster [sj] and was taken over into English. nation, revolution. In a few words we find the spellings -xi- and -xu-; in these cases the changing cluster is preceded by [k]: connexion (connection, luxury. In issue and tissue both pronunciations can be heard. When the cluster [sj] preceded the stressed vowel, it usually remained unchanged: suit [sju:t], assume [a'sju:m]. However, in two words [sj] preceding the stressed vowel changed into [ʃ ]: sure and sugar.
Loss of consonants in initial clusters.
In certain cases the initial consonant of a cluster is Inst Thus, [k] and [g] are lost before[n] in knight, know, knit also in word of Greek origin: gnosis,gnomic.
When [kn] or [gn] was preceded by a vowel, it was preserved as in acknowledge, diagnosis.
Initial [w] is lost before [r]: write, wrong. The cluster [hw] or the voiceless [w] changed into [w] In present-day English pronunciation there is usually no difference between which and witch and between whether and weather. However, the pronunciation [hw] or [w] for written wh- can also be heard.
The consonant [h] was dropped in many unstressed syllables, as in forehead [ferid].
31. Middle English nouns. Unification of the ways of expressing plural number.
In ME, when the Southern traits were replaced by Central and Northern traits in the dialect of London, this pattern of noun declensions prevailed in literary English.
The declension of nouns in the age of Chaucer, in its main features, was the same as in Mod E. The simplification of noun morphology was on the whole completed. Most nouns distinguished two forms: the basic form (with the "zero" ending) and the form in -(e)s. The nouns originally descending from other types of declensions for the most part had joined this major type, which had developed from Masc. a-stems
The process of eliminating survival plural forms went on in the 15th and 16th centuries. Forms like eyen, fon, which were still used by Chaucer, were now superseded by the regular forms eyes, foes.
In several substantives with final [f] or  alteration of the voiceless fricative with its voiced counterpart was eliminated. This is the case with roof (plural roofs) and other words in -oof; also with belief (beliefs), death (deaths), hearth (hearths).
However, with other substantives the alternation has been preserved, as in wife (wives), life (lives), half (halves), calf (calves), wolf (wolves); bath (baths), path (paths), youth (youths). With a few words two variants are possible: scarf (scarves, scarfs), truth (truths -6z, -0s). The substantive staff (OE staef, pl. stafas, ME staf, pl. staves) split into two separate words: staff, pl. staffs, and stave, pl. staves.
The alternation [f — v] begins to extend to the word handkerchief, whose second part is of French origin; alongside the plural form handkerchiefs a new form handkerchieves is occasionally used.
A few substantives have preserved their plural forms due to the weak declension or to mutation: ox (oxen), child (children), man (men), woman (women), foot (feet), goose (geese), tooth (teeth), mouse (mice), louse (lice), dormouse (dormice); here also belong the forms brethren (alongside brothers) and kine (alongside cows). Another type of plural has been preserved in the forms of the words sheep (sheep), deer (deer), swine (swine); compare fruit (fruit), also fish (fish), and names of several kinds of fish: trout, salmon, cod, etc., which usually take no -s in the plural.
This peculiarity appears to be due to the meaning of these words. Most of them are names of animals (ox, goose, mouse, louse, dormouse, sheep, deer, trout, salmon). The plural of these nouns is used to denote a mass (a flock of sheep, a herd of swine, a shoal of fish, etc.), rather than a multitude of individuals. This semantic peculiarity appears to have influenced the plural forms of these words.
As to the other words belonging here (man, woman, tooth, etc.) there must have been some other causes which determined their peculiar fate. Isolated plural forms have also been preserved in a few phrases which coalesced into compound words: twelvemonth (ОE twelf monap, fortnight (OE feowertyne niht), sennight (obsolete) (OE seofon niht).
32. Middle English weak verbs.
The evolution of the weak verbs in ME and in Early NE reveals a strong tendency towards greater regularity and order. ME verbs of Class I took the ending -de in the past without an intermediate vowel before the dental suffix — and the ending -ed in the past Participle. They had descended from OE verbs of Class I with a long root syllable. The verbs of Class II, which were marked by -ode, -od in OE, had weakened these endings to -ede, -ed in ME. Since a few verbs of OE Class 1 had -ede, -ed , they are included in ME Class II. Consequently, the only difference between the two classes of weak verbs in ME was the presence or absence of the element -e- before the dental suffix in the Past tense stem. In Late ME the vowel [e] in unstressed medial and final syllables became very unstable and was lost. This change eliminated the differences between the two classes and also the distinctions between the 2nd and 3rd principal forms, thus reducing the number of stems in the weak verbs from three to two, Late ME weak verbs are the immediate source of modern standard verbs. The marker of the Past tense and Participle II employed by the weak verbs — the dental suffix -d/-t — proved to be very productive in all historical periods. This simple and regular way of form-building, employed by the majority of OE verbs, attracted hundreds of new verbs in ME and NE. Many former strong verbs began to build weak forms alongside strong ones, the strong forms ultimately falling into disuse. The productivity of this device is borne out by the fact that practically all the borrowed verbs and all the newly-formed verbs in ME and NE built their Past tense and Participle II on the model of weak verbs.
33. Middle English strong verbs.
The seven classes of OE strong verbs underwent multiple grammatical and phonetic changes.In ME the final syllables of the stems, like all final syllables, were weakened, in Early NE most of them were lost. Thus the OE endings –an., -on, -en were all reduced to ME –en; consequently in Classes 6 and 7, where the infinitive and the participle had the same gradation vowel, these forms fell together. In the ensuing period, the final -n was lost in the infinitive and the past tense plural, but was sometimes preserved in Participle II, probably to distinguish the participle from other forms. Thus, despite phonetic reduction, -n was sometimes retained to show an essential grammatical distinction. In ME and Early NE the root-vowels in the principal forms of all the classes of strong verbs underwent the regular changes of stressed vowels
Due to phonetic changes vowel gradation in Early ME was considerably modified for example lengthening of vowels before some consonant sequences. At the same time there was a strong tendency to make the system of forms more regular. The strong verbs were easily influenced by analogy. It was due to analogy that they lost practically all consonant interchanges in ME and Early NE. The most important change in the system of strong verbs was the reduction in the number of stems from four to three, by removing the distinction between the two past tense stems. The tendency to reduce the number of stems continued in Early NE. At this stage it affected the distinction between the new past tense stem and Participle II. Identical forms of these stems are found not only in the literary texts and private letters but even in books on English grammar. One of the most important events in the history of the strong verbs was their transition into weak. In ME and Early NE many strong verbs began to form their Past and Participle II with the help of the dental suffix instead of vowel gradation. Therefore the number of strong verbs decreased.
In OE there were about three hundred strong verbs. Some of them dropped out of use owing to changes in the vocabulary, while most of the remaining verbs became weak. Out of 195 OE strong verbs, preserved in the language, only 67 have retained strong forms with root-vowel interchanges roughly corresponding to the OE gradation series.
34. Middle English and Early New English minor groups of verbs.
The verbs included in the minor groups underwent multiple changes in ME and Early NE: phonetic and analogical changes, which affected their forms, and semantic changes which affected their functions. Several preterite-present verbs died out. The surviving verbs lost some of their old forms and grammatical distinctions but retained many specific peculiarities. They lost the forms of the verbals which had sprung up in OE and the distinctions between the forms of number and mood in the Present tense. In NE their paradigms have been reduced to two forms or even to one.
ME can was used not only in the sg but also in the pl by the side of cunnen, the descendant of OE pl cunnon; the latter, as well as the Subj. forms cunnen, cunne died out by the end of the ME period. The Past tense Ind. and Subj. appears in ME in two variants: couth(e) and coud(e). Couth became obsolete in NE, but coud was preserved. In ME the verb can, and especially its Past Participle is still used in the original meaning 'know'.
ME may was used as the main form of the Present tense, alongside mowen/mowe, and as the only form of the Present in Early NE. Its Infinitive and Participle I went out of use; its Past tense might was retained as the Past form, Indicative and Subjunctive. As compared with OE, may has narrowed its meaning, for some of its functions, namely indication of physical and mental ability, have passed to the verb can.
ME shall has lost many of its old forms: the pl forms, the forms of Pres. Subj., the Inf., and has retained only two forms shall and should.
A similar shift of time-reference is observed in the history of must and ought. Moste, mostest, mosten were Past forms of the OE preterite-present mot 'can'. The Pres. tense forms have been lost while must has acquired the meaning of obligation and is now treated as a Pres. tense form. The OE verb willan, though not a preterite-present by origin, has acquired many features typical of the group, probably due to semantic and functional affinities . In ME it was commonly used as a modal verb expressing volition. In the course of time it formed a system with shall, as both verbs, shall and will. ME ben (NE be) inherited its suppletive forms from the OE and more remote periods of history. The Past tense forms were fairly homogeneous in all the dialects. The forms of the Pres. tense were derived from different roots and displayed considerable dialectal differences.
35. The growth of the significance of syntax in the course of the history of English.
Randolph Quirk states that there are open and closed clsaaes of words in Modern English. He calls nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs open classes because they are indefinitely extendable. By contrast, form words are called closed classes because they are not extended with new members. They display a tendency to preserve their individuality. They pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions, auxiliary verbs. As for the change in the nature of parts of speech, it mostly concerns open classes. If one depicts the relationship and borderlines among the open classes diagrammatically, one can see that such word-forms as (to) look and (a) look should be placed in the overlapping areas between the classes of verbs and nouns and nouns – adjectives, respectively. The number and size of the overlapping areas in parts of speech largely depend on the structural type of the language. Lang. of synthetic inflecting type have clear-cut borders betw parts of speech: the overlapping areas are usually very small. Words in such languages belong to parts of speech and can be classified as such in accordance with morphological, semantic and fuctional criteria. All these criteria are applicable, morphological being and leading one. Each part of speech has its own afiixational word-changing and word –building paradigms. A cgange in a word’s affix is associated with a change of the general grammatical meaning of the word.
Strengthening of form words
There can be observed a gradual but stable growth of the significance of form words under the new conditions of constantly increasing analiticism. Plotkin has noticed that this process implies strengthening individuality of thr already existing classes on the one hand. On the other hand emergence of new groups of form words originating from the open classes. Some English form words had to strengthen their individuality to cope with the constantly growing functional load. The process was ongoing in M/ and EN Eng. Concerning the aspect of the problem – the emergence of new foerm words – we must note that some verbs came to be used in formative functions. Be, have, do, get and some others are most common form words in ME. Such units have been growing in number. Each of these verbs brings in its own connotation when an analytical construction is coined: he was (got) tired. Fall (be) ill. Diachronically these verbs have been pursuing pursue a strategy in their sense development, which is especially typical of isolating languages. The tendency extension of meaning, the widening of a word’s signification until it covers much more than the idea originally conveyed.
Extensive crowth of analytical constructions:
Grammatical analyticism suggests involvement of analytical constructions into word-changing paradigms. Suffice it to mention, that 30 finite forms in ME are analytical. They express continousity, perfectivity, futurity. Lexical analyticism implies the emergence of analytical constructions in word-building paradigms. Analytical constructions consist of two or more elements regarded as words (primary lexems) do you know? Have you translated the manuscript?. The syntactic relations between the elements are based on strong juxtaposition (placing lexems side by side) I have done it. I done have it. The fuctional load is distributed between the elements. Sometimes one of the elements is lexically more important, the other one is leading gramaticcaly. In some constructions both the elements are equally loaded(take out). The elements of the construction merge to form a single semantic and functional unit. If the construction is coined to convey a new grammatical meaning, it becomes a pattern for analytical word-changing technique (is smiling, has done. If it is coined to convey a new lexical meaning, it becomes a pattern for lexical derivation (be ill, fall ill, get going)
Predominance of syntactic methods of linking words in a sentence
Formal concord and government as purely synthetic methods of linking words were common in OE to engliscum gereorde the noun gereorde is in the dative case, neuter, singular. The dependent word engliscum has the inflection –um to express the same grammatical meanings – dative, singular, neuter. This is formal concord: scipu utbrengan . the verb utbrengan a noun in the accusative case. This is formal government. The decay of inflections has seriously diminished the extent of formal concord and government in English. Whereas Old English subjects agreed with the predicates in number and person, in ME the form of the predicate ofthen depends on the semantic content of the subject. This is notional concord. Under the new conditions the role of juxtaposition became especially great. Both the side and force of juxtaposition are very important in ME as indicators of close connection between words.
36 The growth of Standard American. Lexical and phonetic peculiarities.
Expansion of English
In the early 17th c the English language penetrated in America . in the course of the following centuries it spread over the greater part of north America and reached the pacific. On thiits way westwards the English language overcame its 2 rivals – French and Spanish.
In british isles englih supplanted celtic language which had survived sinc earliest times.
In the extreme south west of engliand in cornwall local celtic language – Cornish dided out in 18th c.
In wales there arosein lte 19th a tendency to revive local celtic languages, welsh and celtic cculture. In 1893 the Welsh Universtity was founded.
In Ireland conquered by English in 17th struggle against English power lasted all through the 17th and 18th . towards end of 19th national movement was resumed and so was the struggle for irish language. In 1893 Gaelic League was founded which set as its aim reviving the irish lang by lectures, clsses etc. in 1922 irish free state was established which since 1937 bears name of Eire. In 1949 Eire left the commonwealth , Eire now occupies the whole territory of the island, except Northern Ireland.
Lexical pecularities between british and American
In some cases American has preserved old words which were replaced by synonyms in Englsh (sick, guess, fall)
In other cases new words appeared in American to denote new notions, as causus “preliminary meeting of a party commitee” , graft = illegal profit.
British : Lift ,Sweets ,,Behind, Underground, Pavement, Shop, Postman
American : elevator, candy, back of, subway, sidewalk, store, letter-carrier.
Sometimes again a word has one meaning in Britain and another in US. For example bug “bed-bug” in Br but “beetle” in Am. Words of Spanish origin : ranch, adobe, cinch. Indian: squaw, succotash, mugwump. Chataugua. Borrowed from Negro : banjo, pickaninny.
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