The spread of European diplomatic norms

In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, European emissaries to China faced demands to prostrate themselves (“ kowtow ”) to the Chinese emperor in order to be formally received by him in Beijing, a humiliating practice that Europeans had not encountered since the era of Byzantium. As plenipotentiary representatives of foreign sovereigns, they viewed it as completely inconsistent with the Westphalian concept of sovereign equality. The Chinese, for their part, neither understanding nor accepting diplomatic concepts and practices elaborated in Europe, were vexed and insulted by the incivility of Western representatives unwilling to respect the long-established ceremonial requirements of the Chinese court. In the ensuing argument between Western and Chinese concepts of diplomatic protocol, Europeans prevailed by force of arms. In 1860 British and French forces sacked and pillaged the emperor's summer palace and some areas around Beijing. They refused to withdraw until the Chinese court had agreed to receive ambassadors on terms consistent with Western practices and to make other concessions. This was merely one of several Western military interventions undertaken to force Chinese acceptance of Western-dictated terms of engagement with the outside world.

Western diplomacy beyond Europe initially was conducted at a leisurely pace, given the vastly greater distances and times required for communication. For non-European countries such as the United States, this was an unavoidable reality, but, for the European great powers, it was a novelty. Fortunately, the dispatch of far-flung legations developed almost simultaneously with advances in transportation and communications, which made frequent contact possible. The railway, the telegraph, the steamship, and undersea cable sped the transmittal of instructions and information. Although the days of Viscount Robert Stewart Castlereagh —who as British foreign secretary negotiated for months at the Congress of Vienna almost without communication with the cabinet in London—were over, the ambassador's role was more changed than reduced. Lacking instructions and fearing mistakes, earlier emissaries had often done nothing. Similarly, capitals often felt poorly informed about developments of interest to them. (At the dawn of the 19th century, U.S. President Thomas Jefferson famously instructed his secretary of state: “We have heard nothing from our ambassador in Spain for two years. If we do not hear from him this year, let us write him a letter.”) Improvements in technology now made referral to the capital possible and ensured that capitals heard from their envoys abroad, even in the most distant places, on a more frequent and timely basis. Cabinets consulted the ambassador as their “man on the spot” who knew and understood the local conditions, politics, and leaders.

Speedier communication, more involvement in commercial diplomacy as trade became crucial to prosperity, and, especially, the advent of typewriters and mimeograph machines all contributed to a significant increase in the number of diplomatic reports. Yet diplomacy remained a relatively gilded and leisurely profession, one that the British author Harold Nicolson was able to take up shortly before World War I in order to give himself time to write books. It also remained a relatively small profession despite the advent of newcomers. Before 1914 there were 14 missions in Washington, D.C.; by the beginning of the 21st century, the number of missions had increased more than 12-fold. Diplomats were gentlemen who knew each other and shared a similar education, ideology, and culture. They saw themselves as an elite and carefully upheld the fiction that they still were personal envoys of one monarch to another.

History of diplomacy > Diplomacy since World War I > The Soviet model

World War I accelerated many changes in diplomacy. Sparked by the world war, the Russian Revolution of 1917 produced a great power regime that rejected the views of the Western world and that used political language—including the terms democracy, propaganda, and subversion—in new ways. The communist government of the new Soviet Union abolished diplomatic ranks and published the secret treaties it found in the czarist archives. In so doing it sought not only to contrive a dramatic contrast to the aristocratic traditions of European diplomacy but also to discredit the cozy dealings between rulers that had so often taken place without regard to the interests or views of those they ruled or affected. Without delay the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (known by its Russian acronym, the Narkomindel) organized a press bureau and a bureau for international revolutionary propaganda. As Russia entered peace negotiations with Germany, it substituted propaganda for the power it lacked, appealing openly to the urban workers of other states to exert pressure on their governments. It also established the Communist International (also called the Third International) as a nominally independent entity that meddled in the politics of capitalist countries in ways no embassy could.

Поиск по сайту: