Social pyramid

Shan-уй had numerous relatives who belonged to his 'king's' clan of Luan-ti: brothers and nephews, wife's, sons and daughters etc. Besides the relatives of Shan-yii other noble 'families' (clans): Hu-yan, Lan Hsti-pu and Quilin have been among the highest Hsiung-nu aristocracy. The next level in the Hsiung-nu hierarchy has been occupied by the tribal chiefs and elders. In the annals, they are mentioned, as a rule, as 'subordinate kings', 'chief commandants', 'house-

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hold administrators', chii-ch'U officials [Лидай 1958: 17; see also Groot 1921: 55; Watson 1961a: 163-164; Материалы 1968: 40]. Probably, a part of'chiefs of a thousand' were tribal chiefs. The 'chiefs of a hundred' and 'chiefs of ten' were, most likely, clan leaders of different ranks. The economic judicial, cult, fiscal and military functions were considered as the responsibilities of chiefs and elders. Slightly lower at the hierarchical ladder, the chiefs of non-Hsiung-nu tribes being members of the imperial confederation have been. The Hsiung-nu had a particular strata of service nobility – advisers – immigrants from China and bodyguards.

Basic population of the Hsiung-nu empire has consisted of ordinary nomads – cattle-breeders. Based on some indirect data, one can assume that many most important features of economy, social organization, way of life were essentially little different from the features of the nomads of the Mongolian steppes of more recent times [Egami 1956; 1963; Крадин 1999].

In the written sources, there is no information concerning the different categories of poor persons and persons not processing full right who have been engaged in cattle-breeding in the Hsiung-nu society. It is alto, unknown how were spread the slave-owning relations among the Hsiung-nu although the sources are gay with the data of a stealing by nomads of farmers. A lack of development of a slavery in the Hsiung-nu society can be explained by the cross-cultural anthropological studies which clearly demonstrate than in none of the pastoral societies, a slavery has not be widely spread [for details see Нибур 1907: 237-265; Хазанов 1975: 133-148; Khazanov 1984/1994: 160-161; Крадин 1992: 100–111 etc.]. Those researchers are most likely right [Гумилев 1960:147; Давыдова 1975: 145; Rudenko 1969; Хазанов 1975: 143-144], who believe that the overwhelming majority of prisoners of war in the Hsiung-nu societies has been engaged in agricultural and handicraft in the specially established settlements. However, as to social-economic and legal position, the majority of these persons (many of these people were free deserters) have been no slavers. Their social status has been most likely unequal: from the conditional 'vassalage' to some similarity of serfdom. The Ivolginskoye fortes settlement near the city Ulan-Ude in Buryaita was a classical settlement of such type [Davydova 1968; Давыдова 1985; 1995; 1996; Hayashi 1984 etc.].

The archaeological data supplement to a great extent an information of writes annals. Even before a formation of the nomadic empire the social stratification traced on the archaeological data, has existed in the Hsiung-nu society. At the foot of the society, the ordinary burial places of ordinary nomads are. Above, there are graves of the representatives of the tribal ruling clique in which a great quantity of adornments for chariots, rare arms, jewelry and plates with highly artistic images of animals of gold, rods, pommes of banners etc. (burial ground of Aluchzaiden and Hsugoupan in the Inner Mongolia in China [Тянь Гуацзинь, Го Сусинь 1980; 1980а]).

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During a period of the Hsiung-nu prosperity, a social stratification has further increased. The higher a status of individual the greater are expenses for erection of the funeral structure and the more splendid are things lowered in a grave. In the picturesque taiga Hentay, Mongolia, the world-famous Noin-Ula burial places were discovered and in the Ilmovaya pad in the Southern Buryatia, the monumental 'royal' and 'princely* mound graves of the Hsiung-nu elite are located for building of which considerable efforts were required [Unehara 1960; Rudenko 1969; Коновалов 1976]. The burials of ordinary nomads were much simpler and more poor in this. These are generally rounded or quadrangular stone burial mounds of 5–10 m in diameter. A depth of the grave hole was generally 2–3 m. At the bottom of a hole, a wooden coffin (more rarely a coffin within a framework) has stood. The burial place has been accompanied by individual goods of households, arms, harness, implements, adornments and funeral food [Доржсурэн 1961; Коновалов 1976; Цэвендорж 1985 etc.]. The graves of settled people living on the territory of Ivolginsky fort were even simpler and more poor [Davydova 1968; Давыдова 1995; 1996]. It demonstrates the complicated multilayer social structure of the Hsiung-nu society [in details see Крадин 1999: 405-67, 471, 476-94].

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